by Edward Ring
A few weeks ago, Congressman Richard Hudson, Chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee, said something in a television interview that has to be the biggest understatement ever made in the context of national politics today. In regards to the work he is doing with the committee to grow the Republican majority in the House of Representatives, he said that the Democrats enjoy several “structural advantages.” It was a short interview, and Chairman Hudson didn’t have time to elaborate. But his statement is true in so many ways and carries with it such profound implications for our future that elaboration is called for.
One of the most significant structural advantages of Democrats is the fact that government unions, heavily involved in politics at every level, invariably favor Democrats. While business interests have collective power much greater than these unions, they have no inherent party preference. They support the politicians who win because those are the politicians who will regulate them. Moreover, there is no monolithic “business community.” Businesses either occupy different sectors of the economy with completely different political priorities or, if not, they are often in direct competition with each other.
Government unions, on the other hand, have one overriding and innate goal: growing their membership to grow their dues revenue, which depends on growing the size of government. To grow government requires more taxpayer-funded programs and more regulatory oversight. American business, now more than ever before, has adapted to the public sector union agenda instead of fighting it. In one sordid way, in recent years our most powerful businesses have formed a consensus. The largest and most monopolistic corporate special interests have realized that excessive regulations help them consolidate their industry.
This is the root cause of the “structural advantages” Democrats enjoy today. The overwhelming majority of government union political spending—and that’s billions of dollars per election cycle applied to every election campaign from small city councils to the U.S. presidency—goes to support Democrats. At the same time, the biggest, most powerful corporations in America now embrace candidates that favor expansion of government because it translates for them into more subsidies, more cost-plus contracts, lower costs for employee benefits, and fewer competitors.
This corporate drift to the Democratic party helps explain why the asset-stripping vampire and the war-mongering phony, otherwise known, respectively, as Mitt Romney and George Bush Jr., have decided to support Democrats, along with Liz Cheney, Matt Ryan, and countless other creatures of the blob. Thanks to the additional political throw weight offered by these RINO cretins, the odds even more strongly favor a Harris/Walz victory.
“Structural advantages” is truly an understatement. The Democrats have at least twice as much money, the entire weight of the prestige media online and offline, the financial support of public sector unions who also control the election operations in key cities in key swing states, ridiculously humongous donations from the vast majority of America’s biggest corporations and individual billionaires, and the benefit of America’s military-industrial complex waging full spectrum psyops.
The imagery being used by the Harris campaign is perhaps the fastest way to see clearly what Trump and Vance are up against. Money buys top talent. The best campaign professionals in the world are working to support the Harris and Walz campaign. The vapidity of the campaign is stunning, but it is effective. The image being used to seduce voters is the joyful cheerleader and the fatherly coach, versus a mean-spirited crook. Who doesn’t love the joy? And who could possibly vote for the mean-spirited crook? As a result, one of the most un-American, incompetent candidates in history is very likely to become our next president.
Never mind the reality of politics in America today, which is that the Democratic Party has been taken over by an oligarchy that is bent on endless war, profitable chronic disease, systemic reduction in our quality of life and standard of living to adhere to “green” objectives, and erasure of our national identity through the importation of millions of migrants from cultures that hate us—or if they don’t already hate us, they will be trained in our union-controlled public schools to hate us.
Never mind that big government, big labor, and big business have reached a consensus on policy and formed a coalition when their historic roles as mutual antagonists had previously prevented the centralization of power and wealth in the hands of a unified elite. And never mind that this elite is implementing one of the most misanthropic assaults on small businesses, financially independent households, and constitutional rights in the history of our country. Or that they are masquerading behind the climate crisis, the once and future pandemic crisis, the racism crisis, the assorted gender crises, and the alleged “far right” threat in order to morally justify their takeover.
The next time you watch Kamala Harris fumble her way through an interview, admittedly a rare event (the interview, not the fumbles), watch how she nods her head as she speaks. Do you notice that authoritarian glint in her eyes? How vacuous yet sinister. “You will agree. This is how it is. I am Kamala, and I know things.”
These days, reality is just a conspiracy theory. Instead, raw emotions are probative. The finest propagandists to ever live, using tools that even George Orwell could have barely imagined, have deliberately engineered that opportune inversion of the average Democrat’s psyche.
And so it is that a scientifically curated and very significant segment of the American electorate is now conditioned to think Trump is going to be the “dictator on day one.” Thus, to save us all, they’re going to vote for the marionettes of the blob, otherwise known as the beloved cheerleader and the fatherly coach.
Because, Brat!
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Edward Ring is a senior fellow of the Center for American Greatness. He is also the director of water and energy policy for the California Policy Center, which he co-founded in 2013 and served as its first president. Ring is the author of Fixing California: Abundance, Pragmatism, Optimism (2021) and The Abundance Choice: Our Fight for More Water in California (2022).
Photo “American Federation of Teachers” by AFT.
